Stećak

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Stećak (plural: stećci; Serbian Cyrillic: стећак, стећци) is the name for large tombstones from the medieval period that are found in many places across Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as parts of Croatia, Montenegro, and Serbia. About 60,000 of these tombstones are located within modern-day Bosnia and Herzegovina, while the remaining 10,000 are found in today’s Croatia (4,400), Montenegro (3,500), and Serbia (2,100). These tombstones are spread across more than 3,300 sites, with over 90% in poor condition.

Stećak (plural: stećci; Serbian Cyrillic: стећак, стећци) is the name for large tombstones from the medieval period that are found in many places across Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as parts of Croatia, Montenegro, and Serbia. About 60,000 of these tombstones are located within modern-day Bosnia and Herzegovina, while the remaining 10,000 are found in today’s Croatia (4,400), Montenegro (3,500), and Serbia (2,100). These tombstones are spread across more than 3,300 sites, with over 90% in poor condition. They come in many recognizable forms, some of which are decorated, and a few include inscriptions like epitaphs.

The tradition of carving and using stećci began around the middle of the 12th century, with the first major phase in the 13th century. Their use became most common during the 14th and 15th centuries but stopped in the early 16th century during the Ottoman conquest of Bosnia and Herzegovina. These tombstones were used by people of different religions, including Bosnian, Catholic, and Orthodox Christians, as well as Slavic and Vlach communities.

In Bosnia and Herzegovina, all individual stećci and those grouped in necropolises (large burial sites) are considered important heritage sites. Most are listed by a group that protects national monuments, either on the National Monuments List, Tentative List, or List of Petitions. Stećci were added to the World Heritage List by UNESCO in 2016, with about 4,000 tombstones selected from 28 locations. These include 20 in Bosnia and Herzegovina, two in Croatia, three in Montenegro, and three in Serbia. One of the best-preserved groups is the Radimlja necropolis near Stolac in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Zgošća Stećak is a famous example because of its size, detailed artwork, and decorations.

Etymology

The word "stećak" comes from the older word stojećak, which is based on the South Slavic verb stajati (to stand). It means "the tall, standing thing." In Herzegovina, these stones are also called mašeti or mašete, which are similar to Italian massetto (meaning "big rock") or Turkish meşhet or mešhed (meaning "tombstone of a fallen hero"). In Central and Western Bosnia, they are called mramori, mramorje, or mramorovi (marble). In Serbia and Montenegro, they are called usađenik (implantation). On the stećci inscriptions, they are referred to as bilig (mark), kamen bilig (stone mark), kâm/kami/kamen (stone), hram (shrine), zlamen (sign), kuća (house), raka (pit), greb/grob (grave). In the 1495 lectionary, they are called kamy (stone).

Although the name stećak originally described tall, standing stones (like sanduk and sljemenjak), by the 20th century, the term was used more broadly to include flat tombstones (ploče). The first recorded use of stećak appears in a note by Ivan Kukuljević Sakcinski in 1851 and in a dictionary by Vuk Karadžić in 1852 (though not in the 1812 edition). Other sources, like Bogoslav Šulek’s dictionary in 1860, also mention the term. Academic dictionaries began including it only after 1956/58. It is believed the term was mainly used in East Herzegovina and in Stari Vlah, Serbia. Until the early 20th century, different terms were used, such as nadgrobni biljezi (gravestone markers) and mramorje (marble).

The word stećak is rarely used in regional dialects and does not clearly explain the origin of the word. It is also considered incorrect because it comes from the verb "to stand," but most stećci are not upright. Only a small number (less than 5%) are upright, while the majority are flat. On original stećci inscriptions, they are most often called kami (stone), regardless of shape. Some scholars suggest using kamik (plural kamici) for all types of headstones, while stećak would only refer to upright stones. The term kamik is closer to the original meaning and is sometimes used in professional writing instead of stećak.

Local names for stećci areas or cemeteries show respect for their size, age, or carvings. Examples include Divsko groblje (Giants’ Cemetery), Mašete (big stones), Mramori/Mramorje (marble blocks), Grčko groblje (Orthodox Cemetery), Tursko groblje (Muslim Cemetery), and Kaursko groblje (Giaour’s Cemetery).

Characteristics

Stećci are found in areas like present-day Herzegovina, central Bosnia and Podrinje in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Dalmatia in Croatia, and parts of Montenegro, Kosovo, Western Serbia, Northwestern Bosnia, and Croatia (Lika and Slavonia).

Stećci are described as lying down or standing tombstones made of stone. They have flat or roof-shaped tops and may or may not have a base. In 1952, Dmitrij Sergejevski classified them into two main types: lying down stećci and standing stećci. Today, the full classification of stećci is not complete. Šefik Bešlagić identified seven main shapes: slabs, chests, chests with bases, ridge/gable, ridge/gable with bases, pillars, and crosses. Dubravko Lovrenović listed nine types in Radimlja: slabs, slabs with bases, chests, chests with bases, tall chests, tall chests with bases, sarcophagus (ridge/gable), sarcophagus with bases, and crosses.

In Bosnia and Herzegovina, UNESCO estimates that about 40,000 chests, 13,000 slabs, 5,500 gabled tombstones, 2,500 pillars/obelisks, 300 cross-shaped tombstones, and about 300 tombstones of unknown shape have been found. More than 5,000 of these have carved decorations.

Marian Wenzel’s timeline suggests stećci began as flat headstones around 1220 (possibly earlier in the mid-12th century). Monumental stećci appeared around 1360, those with images around 1435–1477, and production likely ended by 1505. Some believe the tradition lasted until the late 16th century, with rare examples continuing into the 18th century. Chest-shaped (sanduk) and ridge/gable (sljemenjak) stećci likely appeared in the mid-14th to mid-15th century. Upright pillars (stup) and cross-shaped (krstača/križina) stećci appeared no earlier than the mid-15th century. These upright forms may have influenced or been influenced by nišan—upright stones on Muslim graves—during a transition period that began by the end of the 14th century in conquered parts of Macedonia and Serbia. This form is mostly found in Serbia and Eastern Bosnia.

The earliest stećci, simple flat slabs, were not unique to the region but originated in the West Mediterranean. The term "stećak," which suggests chest and ridge shapes, is misleading because it does not cover all tombstone forms. Slabs were common in the West Mediterranean during the 14th and 15th centuries but were adapted in the Balkans with local stonemasonry techniques. Initially, feudal nobles built these tombstones to show their status, sometimes adding their family crests. Later, other groups, like the Vlachs, adopted the practice after gaining economic power, especially from the mid-15th century onward.

Some stećci have inscriptions, mostly in Cyrillic script, with some in Glagolitic and Latin. The language used is an older form of Serbo-Croatian, with phrases that mix archaic features. Inscriptions include religious sayings, descriptions of heroic deaths, details about the deceased, their relatives, and the circumstances of their death, personal names, and moral lessons. The moral lessons often focus on themes of death and mortality.

Decorative patterns on stećci are divided into six groups: social symbols, religious symbols, images of posthumous kolo (a traditional dance), human figures, simple designs, and unclassified motifs (often symbolic, geometric, or damaged). Many designs remain mysterious. Common images include spirals, arches, rosettes, vine leaves, grapes, lilies, stars (often six-pointed), and crescent moons. Human figures show scenes like deer processions, horseback riding, dancing, hunting, tournaments, and a man raising his right hand, possibly in a gesture of loyalty.

Some scenes on stećci are not literal depictions of life but have symbolic meanings. For example, shields with crosses, crescents, and stars are not family crests, and stylized lilies are not used in heraldry. A stećak shows a tied lion and a winged dragon above it. Historian Hadžijahić noted that horsemen on stećci are not holding reins, suggesting possible religious significance. Maja Miletić emphasized the symbolic and religious nature of these scenes. Scholars believe these motifs reflect a mix of traditions from Romanized Illyrians, early Slavs, and Christianity. Alojz Benac suggested that a lone horse with a snake or a deer with a bird symbolizes the soul of the deceased traveling to the afterlife, similar to designs on ancient Iapodian artifacts. The Illyrian god Medaurus is described as riding a horse with a lance.

Deer are the most common animal on stećci, especially in Herzegovina. Dragoslav Srejović noted that Christianity did not erase older beliefs about sacred deer. Wenzel believed deer symbolized the journey to the underworld. Šefik Bešlagić described deer scenes as often accompanied by birds, crosses, lilies, or hunters with bows, arrows, or swords. Some scenes show deer approaching hunters calmly or in large, unusual sizes. Most "deer hunting" scenes face west, symbolizing death and the afterlife. In hunting scenes, only one deer is wounded, which is unusual compared to other art where hunted animals are mortally injured.

Kolo processions (a traditional dance) appear on 132 stećci, often alongside deer. These dances are not joyful but are linked to death and the afterlife. In Eastern Bosnia and Herzegovina, a dance called Ljeljenovo kolo (meaning "deer dance") involves participants forming gates with raised hands, with a leader guiding the group. This dance originated as a ritual to guide souls to the afterlife and symbolize the renewal of life.

Origin

There are many theories about the cultural, religious, and ethnic background of the stećci, but no agreement has been reached. One common idea, supported by Bešlagić, suggests that the stećci are a unique cultural and artistic tradition from medieval Bosnia and Herzegovina. Other scholars, like Milovan Gavazzi (1978), studied a broader context and connected the stećci to ancient megalithic traditions in the region and Eurasia. Some researchers believe the chest-shaped stećci may have been inspired by Romanesque and Gothic houses in coastal cities, while the ridge-shaped ones might have been influenced by medieval Christian sarcophagi or local Bosnian wooden houses. Lovrenović’s work suggests the stećci may have origins in the West Mediterranean. It is known that the stećci are mostly found in mountainous areas that became empty over time due to migrations and the Ottoman occupation.

Since the 1875 work by Arthur Evans, many scholars, including Alexander Soloviev, Kosta Hörmann, and Ćiro Truhelka, argued that the stećci were linked to the Bosnian Church, such as the Bogomils or other dualist groups. Others claimed the church was founded by Franciscan friars from the Catholic Church. Benac noted that the stećci were not built in the First Bulgarian Empire and were less common in Central Bosnia, where the Kingdom of Bosnia and the Bosnian Church were centered. The idea that the stećci were exclusively connected to the Bogomils became popular in the late 19th century due to political reasons, such as efforts by Béni Kállay and Austro-Hungarian authorities to promote a unified Bosnian identity. This theory was challenged as early as 1899 by Kosta Hörmann, the first director of the National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and remained a major theory for nearly a century.

Starting in the mid-20th century, scholars like Marian Wenzel, a leading expert on medieval Bosnia and Herzegovina, concluded that the stećci were a shared tradition among Catholics, Orthodox Christians, and followers of the Bosnian Church. This supported the idea that the stećci reflected a regional cultural phenomenon rather than being tied to a specific religion. Some inscriptions and symbols on the stećci show the religious affiliation of the deceased to one of the three church groups in medieval Bosnia and Zachlumia. This mix of religious influences is a key feature of the stećci and shows how deeply Christian the medieval Bosnian community was. However, there is not enough evidence to say the stećci were exclusively Christian.

Christian Gottlob Wilke linked the symbolic designs on the stećci to ancient Mediterranean spiritual ideas. Đuro Basler saw similarities to late Romanesque art, and the symbols are divided into three groups: pre-Christian, Christian, and Manichaean (Bogomil). Bešlagić argued that the people who built and decorated the stećci were not fully Christian, as they kept old customs, such as placing items like coins, jewelry, and clothing with the dead. Practices like putting a coin in the mouth (Charon’s obol) and placing drinking vessels near graves date back to ancient times. Most tombs held one person, but some had multiple burials. Bešlagić noted that a stećak inscription in Montenegro suggested a pre-Christian tradition of re-burying bones after washing them.

The ethnic background of the stećci remains unclear. The most common but not widely accepted theory links them to the Vlach community in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Critics argue that the monuments were not unique to the region and were first created by the feudal nobility, later adopted by the Vlachs. The Vlach population was small and isolated, making them more of a social group than an ethnic one. Symbols on the stećci are more related to Old Slavic beliefs than "Vlach" pagan traditions.

Bešlagić and others connected the stećci to the Bosnian Kingdom and the Bogomils, but this theory has flaws. The Bosnian Kingdom existed for too short a time to change folk traditions, and the Bosnian Church was active later and ended earlier than the stećci. The church’s influence did not extend to coastal or Serbian areas, and other Bogomils did not build stećci. Many necropolises are near church ruins, and some stećci were placed near churches and mosques. The Bogomils avoided the cross, yet it is common on the stećci. This theory has been gradually rejected.

Other scholars proposed less convincing ideas. Ivo Pilar (1918) argued for a Croatian origin of medieval Bosnia. Dominik Mandić and Ante Škobalj suggested the stećci were part of burial rituals by pagan Croats from the Red Croatia. Vaso Glušac claimed the stećci and the Bosnian Church had Serbian-Orthodox origins. Vladislav Skarić believed the stećci represented the Old Slavic "eternal home" and were initially made of wood. Vladimir Ćorović noted that the Old Slavs did not use large stone blocks for homes or graves.

The "autochthonous" Vlach theory was proposed by Bogumil Hrabak (1956) and Marian Wenzel (1962). Arthur Evans first suggested this in his 1883 work Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. While studying graves near Konavle with Felix von Luschan, Evans noted many skulls were not Slavic but similar to older "Illyrian" peoples. He also noted that Dubrovnik records showed Vlachs lived in the area until the 15th century. Inscriptions on the stećci show people from Vlach tribes were buried there.

Hrabak was the first to link historical documents to names on stećci inscriptions. In 1953, he found that a stonemason named Grubač built a stećak in Boljun no later than 1477. He dated many Herzegovinian Vlach monuments to the second half of the 15th century. Wenzel studied sixteen stećci with similar dates and known historical figures. She suggested the tradition of stone monuments began with the feudal nobility in the mid-14th century and was later adopted by Vlach tribes who added figural decorations. Wenzel linked the end of stećak production to the Ottoman invasion and the shift of Vlachs and nearby Slavs to Islam, which led to the loss of tribal traditions.

Legacy

One mystery is that they are not mentioned in old documents from the medieval times. Franciscan records, which noted unusual things like Turkish cemeteries, did not include them. Folk traditions kept stories filled with myths and fantasy. This suggests that the memory of history among three groups was broken due to people moving to new places and changing religions during the Ottoman rule. The first written mention of stećci was by Benedikt Kuripešić in 1530. Evliya Çelebi described them in 1626 as tombstones for unknown heroes. The first local writer to mention them was Andrija Kačić Miošić in the mid-1700s. Alberto Fortis wrote about them in 1774, calling the tombstones in Cetina graves of giant warriors. Others who studied them included Aleksander Antoni Sapieha, Ami Boué, Otto Blau, John Gardner Wilkinson, and Heinrich Sterneck.

Starting in the late 1800s, stećci became symbols of Bosnia and Herzegovina, tied to ideas about national identity and ownership. After the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Bosnian War (1992–1995), Bosnian, Croatian, and Serbian groups tried to claim stećci as part of their own culture. However, none of these groups originally remembered stećci in their history, leading to their damage or destruction, which reduced their numbers by about half. This shows how claims about stećci are based on ideas rather than facts. Marian Wenzel noted that one idea, linking stećci to the Bogomil religious group, began in the late 1800s when an Austrian-Hungarian official, Janos von Asboth, connected them to the Muslim population of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Scholars later criticized this idea, saying it unfairly gave land rights to Muslims while calling later Christians "newcomers." During the 1990s war, this idea returned in media and politics, claiming that Islam in Bosnia and Herzegovina was not only due to the Ottomans but also because of Bogomil beliefs. However, this idea did not change scientific research.

Europe’s first public display of stećci was by Alexander Soloviev, a Polish-born Russian diplomat, in 1950 during a Paris exhibition called "Medieval Art of the People of Yugoslavia." The first regional public show was in 2008 at Klovićevi Dvori Gallery, encouraging discussion among four nations.

As tombstones, stećci use a mix of abstract shapes and stories in their carvings, showing themes like death, spirituality, and community. They influenced later art, inspiring sculptors, painters, poets, filmmakers, writers, musicians, and photographers.

The Bosnian poet Mehmedalija Mak Dizdar, from Stolac (a region known for its tombs), wrote poems using stećci symbols. His 1966 book, The Stone Sleeper, is considered a masterpiece. Another poet, Nenad Tanović, wrote Tombstones – Shape of Bosnian Soul in 1995.

Croatian photographer Tošo Dabac took thousands of photos of stećci, creating the most detailed record. Bosnian sculptor Adis Fejzić made a modern sculpture, B&Hierophany@terraAvstralis.MMXIII, displayed in Australia’s Parliament House. Illustrator Aleksandra Nina Knežević uses stećci in her designs. Coppersmith Denis Drljević and fashion artist Vedrana Božić also draw inspiration from stećci. Sarajevo artist Nevena Nikolić makes jewelry based on stećci since 2013.

Montenegrin artist Anka Burić studied stećci and displayed her work in an exhibition called Imprint of Time. Historian Gorčin Dizdar (grandson of poet Mak Dizdar) wrote a book about stećci and promotes Bosnian culture through a foundation and website. Writer Miroslav Krleža wrote essays about medieval Bosnian culture, including stećci.

Inscriptions on stećci are examples of early writing in Bosnia and Herzegovina, important for understanding language and history. Postage stamps and table cards designed by Bosnian-American artist Saša Crkvenja feature stećci designs.

Protection

Stećci are often found in groups: in small family cemeteries with a few stećci, in larger family cemeteries with about 30 to 50 stećci, and in large rural cemeteries that sometimes have hundreds of stećci. Examples of family cemeteries include Grčka Glavica, the burial site of the Sanković noble family in the Biskup hamlet of Glavatičevo near Konjic; the Hrabreni cemetery of the Miloradović-Stjepanović noble family near Stolac; the Pavlović noble family's site near Sarajevo; and Zgošća Stećak and Zgošća Column, which may belong to an unknown family, possibly the Kotromanić or Vukčić-Hrvatinić families, located at Donja Zgošća near Kakanj. Many stećci are now displayed in the courtyard of the National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Sarajevo. The medieval Mramorje necropolis in Serbia is an important cultural site and contains many stećak tombs. Some other notable or studied stećci include:

  • The oldest known stećak is believed to be that of Grdeša, a 12th-century župan of Trebinje.
  • The oldest known stećak with an inscription is believed to be that of Marija, the wife of priest Dabiživ, with an inscribed number and a date of 1231, located at Vidoštak near Stolac.
  • A grave believed to belong to Vlatko Vuković, often mistaken for the Grand Duke of Bosnia, is marked near the village of Boljuni near Stolac, Bosnia and Herzegovina, from the late 14th century. The inscription on the grave was written in Bosnian Cyrillic in Ikavian.
  • Two ridge-shaped stećci, belonging to Jerko Kustražić and his wife Vladna from the mid-15th century, are located in Cista near Imotski and in Split, Croatia.
  • A ridge-shaped stećak, belonging to Vlkoj Bogdanić (son of Radmil), who died in battle in the mid-15th century, was made by the mason Jurina in Lovreć, Croatia.

Gallery

  • Radimlja necropolis, Bosnia and Herzegovina
  • Radimlja, Bosnia and Herzegovina
  • Umoljani, Bosnia and Herzegovina
  • Dugo polje, Bosnia and Herzegovina
  • Morine, Bosnia and Herzegovina
  • Velike Grebenice, Bosnia and Herzegovina
  • Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina
  • Neum, Bosnia and Herzegovina
  • Velimlje, Montenegro
  • Cetinje, Montenegro
  • Klenak, Montenegro
  • Mramorje, Serbia
  • Somewhere in Dalmatia, Croatia
  • Somewhere in Dalmatia, Croatia

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